Professor Ian Roberts (University of Cambridge) előadásai az Intézetben
2003. április 1-3.
Types of Parametric Change
Ian Roberts
Downing College, University of Cambridge
1. Clark & Roberts (1993), Roberts (1993, 1996, 1997, 1999) and Roberts &
Roussou (2000, 2003) all propose that the central mechanism of syntactic change
is the loss of movement dependencies. Arguably, this fact follows from the
conservative nature of the language acquisition device, which prefers relatively
simple representations over relatively more complex ones. If movement creates
relatively complex representations (essentially by introducing extra features as
triggers), then we see why it is dispreferred and therefore may be
diachronically lost if not robustly triggered for a given generation of
first-language acquirers.
2. In current syntactic theory, the target position of all movement is a
functional category. What is moved may be either lexical or functional. For
illustration, let us take all movement to be of the form "L to F". It then
follows that, where L-to-F movement is lost, the formerly moved material must
suffer one of three fates in the new grammar: (i) it is merged in F, (ii) it is
merged in L and remains there, (iii) it disappears completely. Case (i) is
grammaticalisation, case (ii) is word-order change and case (iii) is loss. We
can contrast cases (i) and (ii) in the obvious way as "upward" and "downward"
changes. Then we can observe the following differences:
Upward changes apply just to a morphologically-defined subclass of L,
recategorising it as F; these changes are local, unproductive (but sensitive to
morphological subregularities), and associated with semantic and phonological "reduction".
Downward changes apply to all L, giving rise to word-order change; these changes
are fully productive, and involve no semantic or phonological change to L-roots.
Examples of upward changes are the reanalysis of English modals in the 16th
century, the development of Romance future/conditional forms from Latin habere (both
V becoming T), the development of negative words from minimisers (N becomes
D/Q), the development of articles from demonstratives (A becomes D), etc.
Examples of downward changes are the loss of V-to-T, VSO > SVO, OV > VO (cf.
Roberts (1997)) and (a case where the moved element is also functional) the loss
of V2.
3. A very important aspect of this dichotomy is the fact that upward changes
involve changes to interface properties (phonological and semantic reduction),
while downward changes do not. I will suggest, following the ideas sketched in
Roberts & Roussou (2003, Chapter 5), that this is due to the inherent properties
of functional categories. Such categories are defective at the interfaces and
hence reanalysis as a functional category involves phonological and semantic
reduction. Since downward movement does not require categorial reanalysis as a
functional category, no such reduction is observed. I will also suggest that
this very defectivity of functional categories underlies the preference for
relatively simpler representations, understood as a ban on "extra" features,
i.e. as a preference for minimal content. The central concept in this account of
types of syntactic change is thus the general idea that functional categories
are atomic, in that they preferentially lack structure in syntax, and
obligatorily lack it at the interfaces.
*****
Remarks on Head Movement
Ian Roberts
Downing College, University of Cambridge
Chomsky (2001) argues against the inclusion of head-movement in "narrow syntax"
on a number of grounds: (a) head-movement does not have the formal properties of
other operations, (b) it never affects interpretation, (c) it is unclear which
features trigger it, (d) it is subject to special locality constraints, and (e)
some head-movement operations are sensitive to PF notions such as second
position.
I will propose a version of head-movement which does have the problem in (a),
and which at the same time solves the problem in (c). I will argue that the
claims in (b), (d) and (e) are false. The result is that a kind of head movement,
not exactly the same formal operation as construed hitherto, has a place in
narrow syntax.