29-31 August 2013, Piliscsaba, Hungary

11th International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian

 

 

 

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A volume with selected papers from the 11th Conference on the Structure of Hungarian will be published by John Benjamins in the Approaches to Hungarian series.  

Series editor: István Kenesei  

Volume editors: Katalin É. Kiss, Balázs Surányi, and Éva Dékány  

 

 

Table of contents

 

Introduction

Katalin É. Kiss, Balázs Surányi and Éva Dékány

 

Arguments for arguments in the complement zone of the Hungarian nominal head

Gábor Alberti, Judit Farkas, and Veronika Szabó

 

Inverse agreement and Hungarian verb paradigms

András Bárány

 

Why do sonorants not voice in Hungarian? And why do they voice in Slovak?

Zsuzsanna Bárkányi and Zoltán G. Kiss

 

Word Order Variation in Hungarian PPs

Éva Dékány and Veronika Hegedűs

 

The morphosyntax of (in)alienably possessed noun phrases: The Hungarian contribution

Marcel den Dikken

 

Abstractness or complexity? The case of Hungarian /aː/

Mária Gósy and Péter Siptár

 

Free Choice and Aspect in Hungarian

Tamás Halm

 

Relative pronouns as sluicing remnants

Anikó Lipták

 

The Predicationality Hypothesis: the case of Hungarian and German

Valéria Molnár

 

Psych verbs, anaphors and the configurationality issue in Hungarian

György Rákosi

 

 

Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis

Irene Vogel, Angeliki Athanasopoulou and Nadya Pincus

 

This volume contains eleven papers, all presented at the 11th International Conference on the Structure of Hungarian (Research Institute for Linguistics of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences and Pázmány Péter Catholic University, 2013), addressing a great variety of topics in the syntax, morphology, phonology, and phonetics of Hungarian, and also offering discussions of related phenomena in other languages.

 

The volume includes a claim that in spite of the generally accepted view, the Hungarian noun phrase is not head-final; an analysis of the Hungarian manifestation of the Inverse Agreement Constraint in Béjar & Rezac's Cyclic Agree framework; argumentation that regressive voicing assimilation is close to be a categorical and phonologised process in both Hungarian and Slovak; a syntactic account of why all Hungarian case assigning adpositions that have a prepositional use also have a verbal particle use and allow P-stranding but not vice versa; empirical arguments for assuming that in the case of Hungarian morphological alienability splits, the -(j)a/(j)e possessedness marker can be decomposed into a spurious article -a/e lexicalizing a Relator and -j lexicalizing a Linker; an argument that while males articulate Hungarian /a:/ as a central vowel and females articulate it as a front vowel, /a:/ should still be phonologically classified as a back vowel; a claim that Hungarian sentences containing a verbal particle and a free choice item are interpreted as generics/habituals because the particle carries a silent generic operator that can bind the free choice phrase; an empirical argument that contrary to received opinion, sluicing is possible inside headed as well as headless relative clauses; a comprehensive account of cataphoric propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian and German based on the Predicationality Hypothesis; an investigation of the argument structure of stative object experiencer verbs and dative experiencer verbs, showing how it follows from Reinhart’s Theta System that the two internal arguments of these verbs can be merged in two distinct base orders; and an argument that the predictions of the Functional Load Hypothesis are borne out in Hungarian because it is mean fundamental frequency (F0), rather than vowel duration, that is the strongest cue for both word-level prominence and focal prominence.

 

The volume will be of interest not just to scholars working on Hungarian, but to a general audience of generative linguists.

 

 

contact: icsh11@nytud.hu