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Mutatvány Az uráli nyelvek mondattanának változása aszimmetrikus kontaktushelyzetben OTKA-projektum eredményeiből
Mutatvány Az uráli nyelvek mondattanának változása
aszimmetrikus kontaktushelyzetben OTKA-projektum eredményeiből
(Some results of the project Languages under the Influence. Uralic syntax
changing in an asymmetrical contact situation)
Szervező: Elméleti Nyelvészeti Osztály
Helyszín: 108-as előadóterem
Időpont: 2017. november 30. (csütörtök) 10.00-14.00 óra
Program:
10-10.35: Simon Eszter – Kalivoda Ágnes: Introducing the UraLUID database
10.35-11.10: Asztalos Erika - Gugán Katalin - Mus Nikolett: Non-verb-final
sentences in Nenets, Khanty, and Udmurt: a path from OV to VO
11.10-11.45: Hegedűs Veronika - Mus Nikolett - Surányi Balázs: Copular clauses
in Nenets
11-45-11.55: szünet
11.55-12.30: Dékány Éva - Gugán Katalin - Tánczos Orsolya: From prenominal to
postnominal relative clauses in Udmurt and Khanty
12.30-13.05: É. Kiss Katalin - Tánczos Orsolya: From possessive agreement to
object marking: the functional evolution of the Udmurt -jez suffix
The talks will be 25-30 minutes long; each will be followed by a 5-10 minute
discussion.
Abstracts:
Eszter Simon–Ágnes Kalivoda: Introducing the UraLUID database
We present UraLUID, a linguistically annotated database built within the
framework of the project Languages under the Influence. We aimed at creating a
valuable resource of Udmurt, Tundra Nenets, Synja and Surgut Khanty. In order to
provide a corpus as representative as possible, we focused on processing texts
collected from different times, authors and genres. Thanks to the fieldwork
carried out in the framework of the project, UraLUID contains spoken versions of
the languages as well.
We present the content and the structure of the database, discussing the main
issues we had to face during the development. Furthermore, we demonstrate how to
use the database by showing ELAN-files with audio data and explaining the
structure of annotation in detail.
Erika Asztalos–Katalin Gugán - Nikolett Mus: Non-verb-final sentences in
Nenets, Khanty, and Udmurt: a path from OV to VO
The order of clausal constituents interacts with their discourse pragmatic
function, and constituent order and patterns of discourse-pragmatic organization
are both prone to contact-induced change (Aikhenvald 2006). In our talk, we
survey patterns of (X)VO, or more precisely, (X)VX orders in three genetically
related (S)OV languages, i.e., in Udmurt (Permic), Surgut Khanty (Ob-Ugric) and
Tundra Nenets (Samoyedic), all of which are under heavy Russian, i.e., SVO
influence. On the basis of a predominantly corpus-based research involving the
comparison of two periods, we will show that the frequently hypothesized XV > VX
change involves, self-evidently, an increase in the proportion of non-verb-final
clauses. However, the analysis of the postverbal constituents with respect to
their syntactic and discourse-pragmatic functions shows that the first steps of
such a change can be described as the broadening of the potential
discourse-pragmatic function of the postverbal elements, which may ultimately
lead to the reanalysis of the basic word order.
Veronika Hegedűs–Nikolett Mus–Balázs Surányi: Copular clauses in Nenets
Copular sentences exhibit rich and multifaceted and in many respects still
ill-understood morphosyntactic variation across languages. A significant part of
this variation concerns the morphosyntactic and functional correlates within
individual languages of the lexical distinctions, if any, between different
copulas, as well as the licensing of the absence of an overt copula. This talk
will reconsider some descriptive generalizations regarding Tundra Nenets copular
sentences, namely, the distribution of be-verbs across different constructions
and the conditions on copula-drop in the language. Concerning the first issue,
we show that the contexts in which the so-called existential verb and the
copulas appear cannot be separated as neatly as previously reported. Addressing
the second topic, we propose, adopting a Copula Support approach, that the
omission of the copula is licensed if tense and subject agreement features of T
(the functional head bearing them) enter syntactic agreement with the predicate,
and get morphologically realized elsewhere.
Éva Dékány–Katalin Gugán–Orsolya Tánczos: From pre-nominal to post-nominal
relative clauses in Udmurt and Khanty
This talk examines changes that have taken place in the properties of relative
clauses in Udmurt and Khanty. Originally, relatives were categorically
non-finite. They were headed by participial verb forms, occupied a prenominal
position, and had a gap at the relativization site without having a relative
pronoun. While these types of noun-modifying clause are still in use, more
recently both languages saw the emergence of postnominal participial relatives
as well as postnominal finite relatives. These new relatives may feature
relative pronouns, but the distribution of these pronouns is not identical in
the two languages. The talk identifies the step of change from fully non-finite
to fully finite relatives as well as the internal structure of postnominal
relatives and the differences between the two languages.
Katalin É. Kiss–Orsolya Tánczos: From possessive agreement to object
marking: the functional evolution of the Udmurt -jez suffix
The talk analyzes the functional evolution of the Udmurt -jez morpheme from
crossreferencing a 3rd person singular possessor to marking accusative case. The
use of possessive agreement in non-possessive – mainly determiner-like –
functions is a shared property of several Uralic languages. Among them,
possessive agreement appears to have obtained the widest range of roles in
Udmurt, where the 3SG possessive agreement suffix is also said to function as a
nominalizer, to mark contrast, to function as a kind of definite determiner, and
to mark accusative case. We will argue that these seemingly different roles are
instantiations of three major functions: cross-referencing a possessor, encoding
partitivity, and marking specific objects, which, in turn, represent subsequent
stages of a grammaticalization path. Evidence for the hypothesized changes will
be provided by parallel developments in the sister languages, primarily
Hungarian.
Módosítva: 2017.11.28.
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